Germany's Feminist Foreign Policy: Effective Practice or an Empty Phrase?

“Women belong in all places where decisions are being made.”

These words of late US Supreme Court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg have echoed far beyond U.S. borders. Recently, many countries’ foreign policies have undergone a significant change. Starting with Sweden in 2014, countries including Canada, France, Mexico, and Spain have changed their general framework of foreign policy to adopt a feminist foreign policy. This new framework has different implementations across countries but generally aims to reduce violence and discrimination and uphold gender equality and human rights. Among these countries is Germany. After the United States, Germany is the second-largest development co-operation provider in the world. Therefore, its recent adoption of a feminist foreign policy could fundamentally shift the focus of international cooperation towards a more feminist perspective. Hence, it is important to understand the concept of feminist foreign policy, how Germany adopted it, how Germany’s approach differs from other countries’ politics, and the potential impacts of feminist foreign policy on global politics – especially in light of the upcoming German elections after the recent collapse of Germany’s governing coalition and the Donald Trump assuming office as the 47th President of the United States.

What is Feminist Foreign Policy?

As the name suggests, feminist foreign policy is first and foremost about women. Sweden, the first country to adopt it, introduced the initiative using the so-called "3R framework," which encompasses women’s rights, resources, and representation. The overarching idea behind all three parts is to improve the circumstances of women globally, achieve gender equality, and strengthen women’s meaningful participation in political discussions and the shaping of foreign politics.

However, feminist foreign policy also includes an even broader range of issues. While improving conditions for women globally is one central objective, former Swedish foreign minister Margot Wallström considers feminist foreign policy not only an objective in itself but also a foundation from which other policies can be derived. The hope is that a feminist foreign policy can bolster a variety of foreign policy objectives, such as the prioritization of human rights and civil society engagement, as well as multilateralism and diplomatic engagement instead of military solutions to security challenges.

A study conducted by the Geneva Graduate Institute’s Broadening Participation Project in 2015 demonstrates the potential value of feminist foreign policy. The study shows that when women’s groups can effectively participate in peace processes, the likelihood of reaching a peace agreement significantly increases. For example, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) played a key role in formulating the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, advocating for victim’s rights and support for children affected by violence. Further research indicates that women’s participation in diplomatic negotiations can also strengthen such agreements, increasing the likelihood of finding a peace agreement lasting at least two years by 20 percent; one lasting at least 15 years, by 35 percent. Gender equality in political spaces hence has value not only as an end goal in itself, but also as a means in crafting a more secure and peaceful world.

The German Approach

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock has shaped Germany’s approach to feminist foreign policy. In a speech on March 1, 2023, Baerbock claimed: “If women are not safe, then no one is safe. But what is also true is that where women are safe, we are all safer.” She reiterated how bolstering women’s involvement in governance strengthens security and economic interests, citing the efficacy of women in formulating peace agreements. Baerbock also emphasized how the oppression of women is indicative of broader threats: “Women’s rights are too often a barometer of the state of our societies. Too often, inward repression is a warning signal for future outward aggression—as in the case of Russia.” The violation of women’s rights forewarns of further human rights violations.

Germany’s central guidelines for this new initiative echo feminist foreign policies elsewhere: “All people enjoy the same rights and deserve the same freedoms and opportunities.” To pursue these goals, Germany follows the Swedish idea that feminist foreign policy covers three domains: peace and security policy, development cooperation, and trade and investment policy. Additionally, Germany’s feminist foreign policy focuses on human rights policy, humanitarian aid, and three forms of diplomacy—cultural, societal, and climate—which intersect with gender inequalities and vulnerabilities. The breadth of these issues demonstrates the central objective of feminist foreign policy: permeating all aspects of governance.

Germany has not only proclaimed a commitment to feminist foreign policy but has also implemented it in practice. The central guidelines of the German Federal Foreign Office outline Germany’s initiatives to improve the situation of women and girls in Ukraine, Afghanistan, and Iran. In Ukraine, Germany supports efforts to prosecute perpetrators of sexual violence, such as providing DNA analysis and forensic tools. To protect women and girls in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, Germany has accepted refugees, funded the construction of women’s shelters, and facilitated the appointment of a Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan in the Human Rights Council. In response to the murder of Mahsa Jina Amini by the Iranian morality police and subsequent women’s protests in Iran, Germany has imposed sanctions on Iranian officials, protected civil society leaders, and spearheaded a fact-finding initiative with Iceland through the Human Rights Council to document human rights violations.

The German Federal Foreign Office reiterates the Swedish 3R scheme and notably sets a hard goal for the “resources” section: aiming to allocate 85 percent of Germany’s development funding “on a gender-sensitive basis” and eight percent of funding “on a gender-transformative basis” by 2025. “Gender-sensitive” initiatives acknowledge and accommodate the unique needs of women, while “gender-transformative” initiatives actively seek to alter gender relations by promoting equality. Germany’s initiative mirrors a commitment made by the European Union in 2021 for 85 percent of new EU actions to contribute to female equality and empowerment by 2025. To illustrate what such projects might entail, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development has provided a handbook with examples. According to this guide, a project having gender equality as a “significant” goal could be providing drinking water to a community to ensure that women and girls have safe and easy access. A project with gender equality as a “principal”—not merely “significant” or secondary—goal could be a response to gender-based violence during a conflict. Other examples of “gender-transformative” initiatives include interventions with community members to engage in productive dialogue, educating young people about sexual health, advocating for policy reforms such as parental leave and childcare, collaborating with religious leaders to combat damaging norms such as child marriage and genital mutilation, and empowering organizations for youth and women.

The Potential for More

Critics advocating for an even stronger feminist perspective have argued that Germany’s feminist policy is currently limited to foreign policy alone, neglecting the domestic realm. There are also concerns about the policy’s sway in different parts of the German government. Although both the Federal Foreign Office and the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development have adopted the policy, implementation is not coordinated with the rest of the government, including the Ministry of Defense and the federal chancellery, which shapes the German policy overall. Moreover, Germany’s ambitious goals for project funding still lag behind the targets of other countries, such as Canada’s 95-percent goal for gender-focused aid. Furthermore, while Spain’s approach expansively covers diversity and the intersectionality of discrimination, the inclusive concept of “3R+D'' (''rights, resources, representation, and diversity”) was excluded from the finalized German guidelines. To be sure, Germany’s feminist foreign policy is more holistic than other countries’ in certain respects; Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy, for instance, focuses more narrowly on development aid. However, the fact remains that Germany’s feminist foreign policy has room for growth.

Does War Render This Promising Concept Inapplicable?

There is also broader criticism of the foundational principles of feminist foreign policy. Many advocates of the feminist theory are strong supporters of pacifism and demilitarization, but critics argue that these values are utopian and unrealistic—especially in view of the current geopolitical climate and Europe’s remilitarization in response to the war in Ukraine. Amid conflict globally, the realist perspective that states must assert dominance through military deterrence has gained purchase. Hence, numerous advocates of feminist foreign policy have reformed the theory. As Germany dramatically increases its military spending, Baerbock has emphasized that “women, as well as children and older people, are particularly vulnerable during conflicts”—increasing, not decreasing, the need for a feminist foreign policy in times of war and rising far-right extremism. While the war in Ukraine is primarily centered around male actors, research shows that having women join the negotiation table will facilitate the establishment of long-lasting peace. Ultimately, a feminist foreign policy alone will not solve geopolitical conflicts. However, it can help promote equality, diversity, and justice, thereby bringing us closer to a peaceful world.