Female Political Leaders in Central Asia: From Women’s Rights to Russian Influence
Western media have historically neglected Central Asia as a region, and it is even hard to find information on female political leaders. Many Central Asian countries still ban women from joining certain professions and have discriminatory laws that prevent women from inheriting money or property. Many of these nations also have extreme economic inequality, which often results in a select few women from wealthy families holding positions of power within the government. When female representation consists only of socioeconomic elites, it can create a false sense of representation, when in reality average women have no representation or access to the government. Strong authoritarian governments, like those in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, also prevent pluralism that could allow women to gain more power. This article highlights women from five Central Asian countries who either recently or currently hold positions of power, analyzing their roles and overall influence in government.
Although increasing female representation in Central Asian countries is critical to democratization, it is important to note that all of these female leaders have worked to strengthen their respective countries' ties with Russia. Many of the women in high-ranking government positions in Central Asia initially gained power under the Soviet Union, and they also have to work against nationalistic and extreme Islamic rhetoric that would limit a woman’s ability to stay in government. These ties and fears often lead female political leaders in these nations to align themselves with Russia.
Kyrgyzstan: Roza Otunbayeva
From April 7, 2010 to December 1, 2011, Roza Otunbayeva served as Interim President of Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzstan is the only country in the region that has had a female president. This is likely because Kyrgyzstan was the only Central Asian state moving towards democratization, although the country has become increasingly authoritarian in recent years, and its parliament is only 22.2 percent female. Otunbayeva’s father, Isak Otunbayev, was a member of the Supreme Court of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), and her mother, Salika Daniyarova, was a school teacher.
In the 1980s, Roza served in the Soviet Union’s communist party as the second secretary of the Lenin Raion Council of Frunze and then as head of the Soviet delegation to UNESCO and later Malaysia. In addition to this political involvement with the USSR, Otunbayeva attended Moscow State University, and her first conversation after ascending to the presidency in Kyrgyzstan was with Vladimir Putin, evidencing close ties to Russia. From 1991 onwards she held various positions within the independent Kyrgyz government, including Foreign Minister, Member of Parliament, and Deputy Prime Minister. Since September 2, 2022, she has served as the Special Representative for Afghanistan and Head of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan.
Roza Otunbayeva became one of the leaders of the 2005 Tulip Revolution, which successfully ousted President Askar Akayev, who had maintained control of the country since the fall of the Soviet Union. Otunbayeva opposed the nepotism system that had been implemented in the country, marking a distinct change in policy from the previous administration. Following the revolution, Otunbayeva assumed the role of Acting Foreign Minister but then failed to be elected into parliament. In 2010, there were mass riots in Bishkek and the president, Kurmanbek Bakiyev, was ousted. Opposition leaders then appointed Otunbayeva to serve as Interim President.
During her tenure as president, Otunbayeva worked to push Kyrgyzstan towards parliamentary democracy. She cracked down on organized economic crimes that were a result of privatization after the collapse of the Soviet Union. She also opened up access within the country to media outlets and spoke on the importance of a free press. Otunbayeva also recognized the relevance of Kyrgyzstan as a multiethnic state and enacted judicial reforms that could ensure equitable representation of all groups. Otunbayeva has notably advocated for gender equality and female empowerment, stating in a 2013 interview: “I wish all girls, in the city and the village, to work hard on yourself, to diligently and seriously study. Nobody may deprive you of education; you are the masters of your own destiny. Learn foreign languages, drive every type of car, and be familiar with any technology. The women of Kyrgyzstan are the most educated part of society.”
Uzbekistan: Tanzila Narbaeva
Tanzila Narbaeva is the current Chairperson of the Senate of Uzbekistan, and she has served in that role since 2019. However, Narbaeva does not wield much power because Uzbekistan’s parliament has very little influence in comparison to the executive branch. No opposition parties currently exist in the country, meaning that every elected member of parliament is loyal to the president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev.
From 2016 to 2019, Narbaeva served as the Deputy Prime Minister and Chairperson of the Women's Committee. However, Narbaeva was involved in administration for nearly forty years before assuming the position of Deputy Prime Minister. Since the 1980s, Narbaeva has served in various government positions, working her way up from Director of Tashkent City Schoolchildren House. Before entering politics Narbaeva worked as a teacher. In 2019, she was named the “Most Active Statesperson of Uzbekistan.”
Narbaeva has pushed for women to be more involved in public administration and spoke at a conference in 2022 organized by the Senate to discuss the roles of women in society. Notably, Uzbekistan’s percentage of female parliamentary representatives is particularly high relative to other Central Asian countries: 38 percent. Narbaeva has also supported laws to criminalize domestic violence and ensure effective implementation of those laws. In 2022, after Uzbekistan experienced a massive power blackout, Narbaeva proposed the creation of a regional Climate Council, advocating for low carbon development and renewable energy infrastructure.
While Narbaeva has furthered the democratization of Uzbekistan through her efforts to support women’s involvement in politics, she has also reinforced her country’s ties to Russia. In 2019, she stated: “Russia is our most faithful and reliable friend. We know that the Russian Federation attaches great importance to strategic relations with Uzbekistan. Our country sincerely rejoices at Russia's achievements, strengthening its role and significance on a global scale.” This friendly stance towards Russia appears unshaken by the invasion of Ukraine; Narbaeva met recently with Russian Federation Council Speaker Valentina Matvienko, noting: “Our friendship encompasses all spheres. We fully intend to continue this work in the future, taking part in joint events both bilaterally and at the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly.” This statement by Narbaeva suggests that ties between Uzbekistan and Russia remain strong.
Kazakhstan: Dariga Nazarbayeva
Perhaps the most controversial woman profiled in this article, Dariga Nazarbayeva has served as Speaker of the Senate, Member of Parliament, and Deputy Prime Minister in Kazakhstan. She is the oldest daughter of the former President of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, who led the country from 1991 to 2019. Dariga Nazarbayeva’s entrance into politics through Kazakhstan’s lower house of parliament in 2004 is largely seen as a rigged election. In May 2007, Nazarbayeva’s husband, Rakhat Aliyev, was accused of kidnapping and murdering two managers at the bank where he was a major shareholder. Nazarbayeva then divorced him and took control of the bank. She is currently worth at least US$80 million.
While Nazarbayeva is considered a role model by many women in Kazakhstan, her history of empowering women politically is ambiguous. In 2014, as Vice Speaker of Parliament, she attended the opening of Qazaq qyzy (“Kazakh Girl”), an institute for women’s cultural and social education. However, in 2008, she expressed support for traditional gender norms: “One cannot help but notice that the world of men has become increasingly effeminate…I don't know whether we can see this as our gender's victory."
Nazarbayeva’s political career effectively ended in 2020 when President Kasym-Zhomart Tokayev announced that he had removed Nazarbayeva from her position as Senate speaker. At the same time, it seems unlikely that Nazarbayeva will be prosecuted or serve any time for her own financial crimes. This move seems to indicate a push for unity and stability around Tokayev, and a desire to move away from the perceived dual power that emerged in the government while her father, Nazarbayev, was in office. Notably, Kazakhstan’s percentage of female parliamentarians is only 18.4 percent.
Nazarbayeva has close personal ties to Russia; she studied history at Moscow State University, where she subsequently worked as a research intern and completed a postgraduate program. In 2021, when Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov claimed that Russian-speaking citizens of Kazakhstan experience xenophobia, Nazarbayeva countered that “cases of xenophobia sometimes occur in Russia, too” but reiterated the importance of Russian language and culture in Kazakhstan: “The status of the Russian language is enshrined in the Constitution of Kazakhstan, and we highly appreciate its importance. Education in many schools, colleges and universities is carried out in Russian. Millions of [ethnic] Russians in Kazakhstan do not see any ‘xenophobia’ in their environment.” In this statement, Nazarbayeva—while pushing back on Lavrov’s article—affirmed the close ties between Kazakhstan and Russia.
Tajikistan: Dilrabo Mansuri
Although gender-based discrimination is outlawed in Tajikistan, the country has a very strong patriarchal tradition, making it difficult for women to achieve high-ranking government positions. However, on January 29, 2024, Dilrabo Mansuri was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Tajikistan. Prior to serving in this role Mansuri served as Deputy Chair of Majlisi Namoyandagon of Majlisi Oli (the Lower Chamber of Tajikistan’s Parliament).
In 2024, Mansuri co-chaired a round-table event on Tajikistan’s “On the Prevention of Domestic Violence” law as part of the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence (GBV) campaign, which was run by the UN in Tajikistan, UK embassy in Tajikistan, and Tajikistan’s government. At this event, Mansuri reiterated the importance of these collaborative efforts: “Our continued partnership to ensure comprehensive investments in gender equality and reproductive health and rights can change the lives of women and girls for the better and advance our shared development agenda.” Mansuri also stated at a conference earlier that year that empowering women is a prerequisite for sustainable development. Mansuri also continues to serve as a Co-Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Investing in Youth for the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) and head of the Alliance of Women Parliamentarians in Tajikistan, a group advocating for increased female representation and gender equality in the legislative process.
During her short tenure, Mansuri has already met with the Global Fund to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. She also attended UNICEF meetings discussing human capital in late 2024. Mansuri is known for her active role in fostering international cooperation, including hosting and participating in discussions with organizations such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and UN Population Fund. Although the few women in national government positions, like Mansuri, work to improve women’s issues, female representation in Tajikistan is still quite poor. In 2023, women only comprised 27 percent of the parliamentary seats. This low percentage is partially due to the increased enforcement of gender roles in the country after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Low percentages of women in parliament can also be found in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan. In 2022, Tajikistan adopted the Equality and Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Act. However, domestic violence is still not explicitly criminalized in Tajikistan, and about one third to one half of women in Tajikistan experience domestic violence in their lifetime.
Like Nazarbayeva, Mansuri has remained on friendly terms with Russia. For example, on June 11, 2024, she attended the Day of Russia state celebrations in Tajikistan’s capital city, Dushanbe. On March 17, 2025, she attended a virtual ceremony hosted by the Kremlin to celebrate the start of construction on two Russia-aligned institutions in Tajikistan: the International Educational Center for Gifted Children and the State Russian Drama Theater named after Vladimir Mayakovsky. These events demonstrate Mansuri’s participation in the strengthening of ties between Russia and Tajikistan.
Turkmenistan: Myahri Bashimova
Myahri Bashimova has worked in her role as Deputy Foreign Minister since 2023 to improve gender equality within Turkmenistan, whose parliament is only 25.6 percent female. Since her appointment to this role, Bashimova has attended UN meetings in New York on sustainable development and zero waste, discussed regional security and diplomacy at the 31st meeting of the OSCE in December 2024, and met with Head of the Office of the UN Population Fund in Turkmenistan to discuss youth policy, including the empowerment of girls. She has also met with various foreign ambassadors and representatives, including from the United Kingdom, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Kyrgyzstan, European Union.
Bashimova has notably played a leading role in promoting the country’s National Action Plan on Gender Equality 2021-2025, which aims to improve women’s healthcare, education, and economic opportunities. She also represented Turkmenistan at a UN summit on gender equality held in Kazakhstan on February 7, 2025, where she urged the importance of collaboration among Central Asian countries in female empowerment initiatives. While available information on her involvement with Russia is minimal, she has publicly advocated for neutrality in international relations.
Although Turkmenistan has a higher proportion of women in its parliament compared to Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, the country has extreme discriminatory laws for women. In 2022, the government introduced a ban on beauty services, such as hair bleaching, and “sexy” outfits. In 2023, Turkmenistan received the worst rating for women’s access to justice and financial inclusion of women for Central Asian and Central and Eastern European countries on the Women, Peace and Security Index rating. Most female government officials in Turkmenistan either work in the foreign service, like Bashimova, or in positions relating to family and cultural affairs.
Contrasting Roles and Involvement
While Central Asian countries have various levels of female civic engagement, many women in leadership roles are striving to make government work more accessible. It is important for the United States, European Union, and other countries to forge meaningful partnerships with Central Asian governments to promote women’s empowerment through international initiatives. While female representation continues to be an important issue to address in the region, ensuring that representation is diverse and represents women of all social classes is equally as critical. However, as discussed in this article, many female Central Asian leaders maintain close ties to Russia, evidencing the fact that increasing female representation has limited democratic effects when situated within autocratic power structures.