Search  
      About          Contact          Archives          Subscribe         

Features
Perspectives
Interview
The Pulpit
Harvard Exclusive



 
The Long Ride
China Through the Train Window by Joshua Levin
Environment, Vol. 23 (4) - Winter 2002 Issue

JOSHUA LEVIN is a Staff Writer at the Harvard International Review.

Few travelers recount their time in China without waxing poetic about the train rides.

The view from a hard-sleeper bunk bed can make one feel like an intergalactic voyager, passively observing China’s dramatic environmental and demographic variations.

Meanwhile, the tight quarters become the social space for a sampling of Chinese middle-class society. Laptops and Palm Pilots are rare sights, and instead the passengers are forced into deep interaction. The train becomes a test tube where the commonalties and schisms of national politics and culture come to the forefront.

I traveled China’s length this past summer, riding the train from Beijing to Urumqi, the capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in the northwestern corner of the country. In 48 hours, we saw a near-total transformation. The crowded east-coast cities gave way to rice paddies and farmland on the first day. The second day, we arose to the view of a vast rocky desert. The barren environment was broken only by the sight of mud-brick villages and giant oil derricks, working hypnotically in the distance like black ants. The following morning, we finally reached the oasis metropolis of Urumqi.

I say “we” because China stubbornly holds onto travel as a collective experience. Contact between passengers was sparse during the first 12 hours of the train ride, with only brief communication to resolve issues of physical space. Such conversations naturally arise when six adults and several children are fit tightly into compact quarters. But the Chinese have a way of overhearing, staring, and interjecting into others’ conversations that Americans might find rude. In time, however, these customs created moments of community with cross-generational discussions that I find lacking in American life. It was not long before our living area had become a forum for debating all kinds of national issues, intertwined with loud games of Chinese poker.

Conversational topics included politics, the educational system, my Chinese name, the differences between local and “foreigner” culture, and the recent (but very limited) phenomenon of open homosexuality. During a discussion, the group would often split into two camps. There were the loud types, who loved to argue and to lead discussion. Then there were the quiet types, generally the elderly, who would participate with long, friendly smiles and affirmative nods. Occasionally, when asked their opinion, the “friendlies” would slowly insert an anecdotal viewpoint that neither confirmed nor undermined the opinions of the “leaders.” A brief silence would then follow, after which the high-pitched discussion would resume.

It so happened that on this train ride, we were a week away from the International Olympic Committee’s decision on the site of the 2008 Summer Games. A level of excitement filled China unlike anything I have ever seen in the United States. Amidst millions of T-shirts and daily news flashes, the train ride was the only time I heard skeptical opinions about the Beijing Olympics. I was reading a book when a medical student and recent addition to our group called on me by a joke name: “Mistah Leeee! What do you think of the Olympics?” I said I thought that people were perhaps making too big a deal of it, and asked him his opinion. He then began to describe the fascinating phenomenon of Luan shufei.

According to those around me, Luan shufei, or “forced donations,” is one of the largest problems in China. Whether the government is building a school, a road, or Olympic buildings thousands of miles away, Luan shufei takes effect. Corrupt local officials in rural areas use the operation as an excuse to ask for contributions, which they then pocket. If farmers refuse, they face various forms of “trouble.” This is particularly problematic in a society where getting anything done generally requires favors from officials or police. Apparently, many Chinese farmers are in debt because of Luan shufei, but the debt is not recognized by the state since the donations are completely unofficial.

My fellow travelers were in fact criticizing the urban biases in Chinese politics. Farmers suffer greatly as resources are devoted to the economic goal of national urbanization. Meanwhile, agricultural prices are depressed to appease city residents—a common phenomenon in developing countries. My train companions specifically pointed out that much-needed water was being siphoned from their arid western areas to Beijing, forcing them to tightly ration water usage.

But the discussion of Luan shufei was particularly enlightening. The issue connects the tension between traditional and modern Chinese culture with the class tensions of development. Premier Zhu Rongji has publicly criticized the problem of forced donations. However, he has described it as daode, a moral problem, rather than a political one. Some of my conversational companions stressed the need for falu, law and order, to end corruption in China. But, as the medical student described, “According to the Confucian tradition, to make politicians operate by law would be to claim that they’re immoral, and that would be disgraceful.”

Confucian philosophy maintains that the country should be governed by virtuous, paternalistic leaders. In turn, subjects should trust and obey officials. This model traditionally underpins everything in Chinese life from the family to the government itself. It unifies society under a single philosophy. Confucius believed that if an individual sets the moral example, others will follow the lead. Confucianism is dependent, however, on the notion that leaders are chosen through a meritocracy based on rigorous examination. The historical catch is that under this system, only leaders themselves have the critical space for developing selection criteria. Thus, immorality can be self-perpetuating. The result has arguably been rampant corruption, which has pervaded much of Chinese history. Yet we must not forget that this is also the history of the world’s longest-lasting civilization.

Our train pushed on into the evening, across moonlit rock, through shadowy ravines. It was soon 10 p.m., lights out and music off. Conversation petered out, and everyone was soon asleep except for me and a businessman named Mr. Liu, who was brushing his teeth. Unbuttoning my shirt, I remarked on how much I love Beijing night culture: “Everyone hangs out on the street and relaxes together. The men, out there with their shirts off, drinking bottles of beer to stifle the summer heat.”


 




© 2003-2008 The Harvard International Review. All rights reserved.