Much attention has been paid to the development of democracy in the Middle East and the struggle to keep it afloat in places like Russia. The struggle is usually portrayed as a battle waged by an initially dysfunctional democracy on an authoritarian government that promises to provide law and order. In Zimbabwe, President Robert Mugabe has succeeded in bringing the worst of both worlds: his country, once one of the most prosperous in Africa, is becoming an increasingly authoritarian state with a moribund economy. As Zimbabwe begins to spin out of his control, Mugabe is tightening his grip on what is left.

Zimbabwe’s economy has deteriorated steadily since the beginning of this decade. After expending large amounts of resources intervening in the war in neighboring Congo, Mugabe turned on internal enemies. Sensing his popularity sliding in a country he had run since its independence in 1980, he embarked on a land redistribution program in 2002, giving the fertile land owned by white farmers to blacks. While some see land redistribution as a necessary measure to right the historical wrongs of white colonialism and to promote more equitable income distribution, others see it as the blatant seizure of private property. Beyond the arguments, the methods used by Mugabe to effect the redistribution have led to chaos. The seizure of land was extremely violent, with white farmers being driven from the land and seized by mobs operating under the aegis of the government. Official institutions such as Zimbabwe’s National Youth Service, ostensibly a peace corps, have been used to attack resisting farmers and have also been accused of raping children. It is estimated that only 600 of an original 4,500 white farmers have remained in the country since the land redistribution program began. Farms are often given to cronies of the government, but none of them have been provided with supplies promised by the government. As a result, Zimbabwe, once a net grain exporter, is now a recipient of aid from the UN World Food Programme. More than half of the population is believed to be at risk for famine.

With the collapse of Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector came the decline of the rest of the economy. Zimbabwe is currently suffering a fuel shortage, record unemployment, and an inflation rate nearing 500 percent. The currency depreciation has outpaced the ability of the government to print money, and there is now a shortage of banknotes. The government imposed strict price controls and set an official exchange rate in 2001, but this has only led to a flourishing black market.

The failure of government efforts to impose control on the economy has caused political oppression to increase. Zimbabwe has been in turmoil ever since elections in March 2002, which led to the victory of the ruling Zanu-Patriotic Front over the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Most international observers declared the election to be blatantly undemocratic. The number of polling places in MDC strongholds were reduced, making it impossible for many to cast a ballot by the time voting ended. The government has been accused of intimidation, such as preventing MDC members from shopping in stores, and of inciting violence against MDC leaders, often using the same groups responsible for the attacks on farms. For these reasons, the MDC refused to accept the results of the election, launching large protests and a court challenge that has not yet been resolved. The demonstrations in June 2002 were suppressed by the army, and protests related to the economy by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions in November 2003 led to the arrests of more than 50 people.

Government repression has recently become increasingly proactive. MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai is due to stand trial on charges of treason, for allegedly plotting to overthrow Mugabe—charges that he has denied and his party has explicitly rejected, vowing not to follow the “Georgia model” of violent overthrow. Mugabe has also suppressed the independent media that generally tended to support the MDC. The Daily News, the last independent newspaper in Zimbabwe, was shut down in September 2003 under the terms of a new law that requires all media outlets to register with a “Media and Information Commission.”

All of these events have diminished Zimbabwe’s legitimacy in the eyes of the world. The United States and the European Union imposed sanctions on the government not long after the presidential elections in 2002, and Zimbabwe was expelled from the British Commonwealth. Many have attributed Mugabe’s continuing survival to his support from African nations. This has been spearheaded by South Africa, which has emphasized “quiet diplomacy” involving no public criticism of Mugabe in a bid to jump-start talks between the Zimbabwean president and the MDC. However, even African support has shown cracks: after much hesitation, Nigeria decided not to invite Mugabe to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting it hosted in December 2003. Until the international community begins to see dramatic changes and reforms from Mugabe, Zimbabwe will continue to be branded as another “developing democracy” that has fallen under an oppressive leader and has little to offer in the realm of international affairs.