The recent elections in Swaziland were held under the auspices of King Mswati II’s autocratic rule and effectively brought traditional political institutions and the modern democratic state to a crossroads. In a country where the king is supreme, the Swazi people are now questioning the effectiveness of one man’s policies to combat immediate developmental issues and are starting to seek a popularly elected body to voice their concerns. It seems that change is inevitable in this struggle between old and new political systems.

Swaziland gained independence from British colonial rule in 1968, after the charismatic King Sobhuza II successfully steered the nation to full international sovereignty with surprisingly little bloodshed. As a result, political power was transferred under a democratic consensus to the Dlamini royal lineage, Swaziland’s traditional rulers in pre-colonial times. Sobhuza, however, suspended the new democratic Swazi constitution soon after coming to power, calling for a system of constitutional monarchy more closely aligned with Swazi “traditional” culture. Since then, members of Parliament in Swaziland have become mere puppets of the King, strict laws have been enacted prohibiting unauthorized public meetings, and potential political opponents have been held in detention. Sobhuza and the Dlamini royal line has relied on superstitious causal relations and heavy traditional symbolism to justify their powerful position to the Swazi people.

Ironically, it is the abuse of symbolic royal power which has precipitated a public outcry against the royal house. In November 2002, a heartbroken mother filed a lawsuit to prevent Mswati from marrying her 17-year-old daughter, whom he had spotted at a performance of the ceremonial Reed Dance and subsequently ordered his guards to abduct. In response, Mswati, who is Sobhuza’s son and successor, retorted that the mother had “no respect for tradition,” since Swazi custom allows the King to choose wives among 10,000 to 20,000 scantily-clad young women at the dance. The royal rejection of the lawsuit severely undermined the independence of the judiciary, and Mswati was denounced by Amnesty International and other international watchdogs for his disregard of human rights and women’s rights. The Swazi King’s choice of a young bride also came under fire because it was made immediately after he imposed a rule banning all girls under 18 from participating in sexual intercourse. The rule was meant as a preventive measure against the spread of AIDS; the King’s disregard for his own law clearly presented a bad example. Like many sub-Saharan nations, Swaziland is currently facing the crisis of an AIDS epidemic and the simultaneous threat of famine. Twenty-five percent of Swaziland’s population is currently infected with HIV, and the high presence of AIDS in this small landlocked country has exacerbated the impact of drought, bringing over 20 percent of the population under direct aid. While the nation may be in need of immediate relief, this did not stop Swazi officials from purchasing a luxury jet for Mswati’s private use in 2003.

The Swazi people have not stood by quietly. Prodded by the criticisms of organized labor and student groups as well as donor nations, including Britain and countries of the European Union, Mswati and his advisors formed the Vusela Commission in the 1980s to seek constitutional reform. Comprised of conservatives, the commission did show some progress, but fell short of a reintroduction of party politics. This progress came in the form of numerous cabinet reshuffles, which proved to be a double-edged sword, possibly representing either nascent change or a further hardening of regal lines. Royalist constitutional review reports are often postponed, and when they are released, they conclude that the Swazis desire a strengthening of royal rule—a claim reached through a nebulous survey involving unidentified Swazi individuals.

To contain Mswati, a group of lawyers even filed an action in the Swaziland Court of Appeals opposing the King’s ability to decree laws without first consulting Parliament. Although the Court consequently stripped Mswati of his power in November 2002, Swazi Prime Minister Sibusiso Dlamini immediately declared that the King and his government will ignore the decision.

The Swazi people are rapidly growing tired of a king who seems to be defining national “tradition” by personal whim and interest, to the severe detriment of a nation facing developmental crises on multiple levels. Perhaps the time has come for Swaziland to embrace a system of party politics, in response to the current state of royal absolutism.