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April 30, 2007

Compassion and Unease: South Korea in the Wake of Virginia Tech

Filed under: East Asia/Pacific, GeneralNatasa Kovacevic @ 12:02 am

When Virginia Tech’s troubled shooter was revealed to hold a South Korean passport, South Korea’s response was mixed. President Roh Moo-hyun had already expressed his condolences to the United States, but promptly delivered several additional messages of regret to the American people.

South Korea’s historically pronounced sense of collective identity has emerged both in moments of national pride and national disfavor. While it is difficult to dispute the boon to patriotism that results from appreciating one’s own, collective feeling also presents a danger. It would be an unfortunate development if Korea’s well-intentioned compassion were to be misperceived as an expression of a national guilt – an emotion entirely unfounded. Blame rests with a single aberrant individual who misrepresented not only Korea but the totality of the human race.

Despite fears of a backlash against Asian Americans in the wake of the tragedy, concerns have scarcely materialized. The Anti-Defamation League did bring attention to anti-Asian invective that had made an unsightly appearance on several websites. Yet the sites in question were hate sites to begin with, their message an impressive display of ignorance and illiteracy. Among the general American populace, however, the aftermath of the shooting has brought forward much good will and little vilification, and has instead inspired a mood of reflection among Koreans that has shown itself to be largely positive. Media have largely focused on the relevant facts of the atrocity, on Cho Seung-Hui’s psychological distress, and on US gun control policies, but have gracefully avoided extensive discussion of Cho’s ethnicity. Moreover, US officials have reassured their South Korean colleagues that relations between the countries would not be jeopardized by the tragedy.

Korea’s vocal condolences are desirable and appreciated, as are those of any other nation. But at a vulnerable time, it would be prudent to stay on guard against implications of a collective ’shame’ or ‘responsibility.’ Korea merits shame no more than the United States, Cho’s home of fourteen years. The gunman’s actions were defined by the man himself, not by the passport he bore.

April 4, 2007

Disillusion and Dissolution

Filed under: Europe, New Kid on the BlocMichael Jaskiw @ 4:20 pm

This Monday, President Viktor Yushchenko finally followed through with his threat to dissolve Ukraine’s Vekhovna Rada (Parliament). The beleaguered president accused the ruling coalition—led by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukhovich—of violating both constitutional and democratic principles by encouraging representatives to defect from their original parties to join the ruling coalition.

From the perspective of democratic legitimacy, Yushchenko’s argument makes sense. In last year’s parliamentary elections, Ukrainian citizens voted for party lists, not individual candidates. If candidates can join a new political party (often for dubious reasons) after being elected, then voters seem to ultimately lose control over the legislative process—their votes may have allowed the election of a candidate who no longer represents their interests. Yushchenko has argued that new elections allow voters to reassert their preferences in light of this fact.

From a strictly legal perspective, Yushchenko’s call for early elections is not as strong. The Ukrainian Constitution enumerates the conditions under which parliament may be dissolved. These conditions were intended to allow the president to dissolve parliament in the case of extreme and intractable gridlock that made a ruling coalition impossible. However, a majority coalition currently exists and has been active in passing legislation for months.

The current political crisis involves a dizzying array of constitutional and legal complications that involve the minutia of Ukrainian law and political practice. But all of these legal technicalities do not have to be untangled for a few important inferences to be made.

The ruling coalition under Prime Minister Yanukhovich has already passed resolutions ordering the president to rescind his decree on the grounds that it is unconstitutional. The Constitutional Court—notoriously inert—is setting a date to decide whether the call for new elections is legal or not. Regardless of how the Court rules, a showdown between the president (and his opposition coalition) and the prime minister (and his majority coalition) is inevitable.

Both sides have already brought thousands of protestors to Kyiv, the capital city, home to the peaceful Orange Revolution protests of 2004. But many indicators suggest that this crisis will not be resolved in the same neat and peaceful manner.

Protestors are now increasingly radical and disenchanted with the democratic process. Both Yushchenko and Yanukhovich’s camps have control over divisions of Ukraine’s security forces, which will likely be present in response to the increasing number of protestors. Both sides understand the stakes of the current political crisis. For Yushchenko, the dissolution of parliament is a desperate attempt to re-assert his power as president and to energize the opposition. For Yanukhovich, new elections could mean the loss of absolute parliamentary control he has so carefully built up. The impending conflict between these two forces will threaten the stability of democratic practices and the viability of the Ukrainian government itself.