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March 26, 2007

The Carrot and the Stick: Drug Eradication in Afghanistan

Filed under: Development, Middle EastSarah Moshary @ 8:11 pm

When the United States invaded Afghanistan in 2001, it was in the hope that regime change and reform could eliminate terrorism in the country. Improving the quality of life in Afghanistan was a side-benefit, and the US government was sure that toppling the Taliban could only make things better. Five years later, however, Afghanistan is still riddled with problems, chief among them drug cultivation and trade; US and UN efforts at stemming drug production have not yet achieved success. A new strategy is needed to put Afghanistan back on track.

The Taliban, the United States, and the United Nations have all tried to squelch opium farming in Afghanistan, but opium production reached an all-time high in 2006, marking the failure of all three organizations to have a substantial impact. Afghanistan provides over ninety percent of the world’s opium supply. The UN Office of Drugs and Crime estimated that the opium trade composes over fifty percent of Afghanistan’s GDP in 2005—roughly $3 billion. Herein lies the problem: Afghani farmers rely on opium cultivation to put food on the table. Efforts to eradicate opium pose a direct threat to their livelihoods, and thus the stability of the country as a whole. On the other hand, opium production adversely affects the world population. For example, opium is often smuggled through Iran, where opium addiction is estimated to be the highest per capita in the world. Drug use has become a huge contributor to the spread of HIV and AIDS in Iran today.

Since the invasion in 2001, the US, UN, and new Afghani government have relied primarily on direct means to eradicate opium. Tractors roll over fields of opium-producing poppies, effectively destroying the whole crop. Thanks to corruption, however, these methods have only destroyed a fraction of Afghani production. In response to the failures of the US and UN to stem the drug trade in Afghanistan, critics are calling for drastic change in policy. The Senlis council, an international think-tank, rebuked: “Eradication dramatically exacerbates poverty and has caused a wave of starvation across southern Afghanistan.” Senlis advocates the institution of poverty alleviation programs to free Afghans of dependence on opium for survival, rather than direct decimation of farmers’ crops.

Ultimately, only a combination of both strategies has a real shot at success. Programs targeting poverty already exist, but more money must be appropriated to this cause. Unfortunately, ensuring that this money reaches farmers and is spent appropriately is a difficult task; government accountability and transparency are less than stellar. Even if funds were properly spent, farmers would need another incentive to switch from opium cultivation: the threat of crop eradication. Without this threat, it will always be in the farmers’ interest to produce opium since it sells for a higher price than other produce. But given the risk that their crops may be destroyed, farmers are most likely to switch to other products, so long as they can do so and earn enough to survive. The two programs together—crop eradication and poverty alleviation—have the potential to seriously impact the drug market in Afghanistan.

March 24, 2007

Zimbabwe: On Knife’s Edge

Filed under: Africa, DemocratizationOwen Barron @ 3:47 pm

The latest chapter in another increasingly sorry African independence story unfolded March 11, when Zimbabwean police forces arrested and beat political opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. These actions drew the ire of international observers, who are increasingly weary of Robert Mugabe, and prompted a hailstorm of criticism that has focused on regime change and the possibilities for a post-Mugabe future. From BBC News Africa comes the story of a Zimbabwean pastor who is urging public protests. Another article tells of deep fractures within Mugabe’s own party. Indeed, it appears, upon shallow perusal of the latest media, that a popular revolution may soon overthrow Mugabe and install a new, accountable form of government.

That might be the happiest among a number of equally unlikely endings to this tragedy.

Of course, the twenty-four hour news cycle has tended to sensationalize. Robert Mugabe’s disastrous economic policies have, since 2000, transferred most of Zimbabwe’s white-owned agriculture land to black political elites with no interest in, or aptitude for, farming. The result has been economic devastation on a massive scale, coupled with widespread famine and an inflation rate that, at 1700%, is currently the highest in the world. Basic foods and consumer goods are regularly unavailable. This sort of brutal depression produces a somewhat paradoxical recipe for popular revolt; that is, it both angers a people to violence and, simultaneously, deprives them of the resources necessary to enact a successful revolution. In a country whose armed forces twenty years ago murdered 20,000 civilians, fear is enough to subdue the populace. Indeed, if any change occurs through armed means, it may originate in the police force itself, where dissent is rife throughout the poorly paid lower ranks. In an impending time of crisis, it is the soldiers themselves who must shoot their fellow citizens.

Nor does the impetus for change need to be popular or violent. Sources within the country now report the existence of factional divisions within Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party, which has been in power since 1980. Zanu-PF is apparently split into three camps, one composed of Mugabe loyalists and two led by Emmerson Mnangagwa and Solomon Mujuru, both party elites with strong ties to security forces. The divisions have appeared most prominently since December, when Zanu-PF refused to endorse Mugabe’s proposal to extend his presidency until 2010. Furthermore, the factions, which have ordinarily been at political loggerheads, seem to have coalesced in recent weeks in response to increased economic instability and the arrest of opposition leader Tsvangirai. Indeed, meetings between Mnangagwa, Mujuru and Tsvangirai, the three leaders most likely to lead a free Zimbabwe, have led to tentative plans for a transitional democracy. Elections could be held as early as March 2008, and Mugabe would be allowed to retire to South Africa afterwards.

Of course, the above outcome is highly dependent on the level of support garnered by elites Mnangagwa and Mujuru, and assumes a certain degree of weakness upon Mugabe’s part. The prodding of foreign governments could also be necessary, something that until the Tsvangirai beatings had been noticeably lacking. South Africa, Zimbabwe’s most prominent neighbor, has long pursued a policy it calls “quiet diplomacy,” which has essentially meant nothing at all. Now, however, in response to the Tsvangirai beatings, we may be seeing an escalation of South African concern for events to the north. The official South African response to the arrest was rather tepid, calling for Zimbabwe simply to respect the rule of law and the rights of citizens. But President Thabo Mbeki met with Mugabe in person, and all reports indicate that he was severe in expressing his displeasure at Zimbabwe’s actions. Mbeki’s concern is somewhat less altruistic than one might believe. He’s worried about the success of the 2010 World Cup of soccer, which will be held in South Africa, and is being hailed as South Africa’s chance to show itself off to the world. Specifically, he’s concerned that Zimbabwean refugees, of which there are already three million in South Africa, and whose numbers could be greatly increased by future famine or unrest in Zimbabwe, could spoil his country’s image. So he’s pleading with Mugabe to keep things civil.

Or what, exactly? It’s fairly distressing that the future of an autocratic ruler could be determined by soccer, of all things. It’s also dismaying to realize how prevalent situations of this nature are in Africa, a continent whose modern history is littered with disappointment and tragedy. Ultimately it may take a perfect storm of popular unrest, internal dissent and foreign pressure to put Zimbabwe back on track to being the vibrant nation it once was. Until then, it’s the same old story.

March 12, 2007

And… Scene. Chirac exits stage right.

Filed under: Europe, GeneralJanet Li @ 8:58 pm

On Sunday, French president, Jacques Chirac announced that he would not be seeking reelection, ending a dozen year, two-term presidency. In an emotional address over national television, Mr. Chirac saluted the nation with a deeply personal statement, politics-free. Tracing back to his achievements while in office, Mr. Chirac expressed his love for France and its people. He declares, “Not for one instant have you ceased to inhabit my heart and my mind.” More retrospectively, he notes his regret for his partisanship causing an inadequate response to the difficulties of the French people. But really, is that all Mr. Chirac should be regretting?

In his time as president, the Chirac administration has been plagued with scandal, dissatisfaction, and embarrassment. In 2005, his popularity amongst the French people was lowest of all presidents since 1979, when citizens began being surveyed. Not a limiting exception, his then-newly appointed prime minister, Dominique de Villepin was the most unpopular new French prime minister for more than the last 20 years. Seemingly, most everyone around Mr. Chirac incited negative public sentiments. His senior allies, including four former government ministers, were of the 50 people on trial for one of the worse public scandals of French history, involving the rigging of public contracts. He faced embarrassment when the European Union constitution was rejected by referendum, and when he vowed in 1995 to end “social fracture” but instead have Arab and African Muslims suffer from riots and violence. Perhaps, Mr. Chirac’s reaction to these blemishes on his record is the reason he has been coined so popularly as a super hero named Super Menteur (Super Liar).

All criticism aside, Mr. Chirac’s accomplishments stand for themselves. Economically, published numbers laud his achievement of France’s nine percent unemployment and two percent annual growth. Also, Mr. Chirac led the charge against the American-led war in Iraq, gaining popularity after he rejected the United Nations Security Council resolution to authorize the war in Iraq. Not to mention, he founded the successful Union for a Popular Movement party, which is housing one of the frontrunners of the upcoming French elections, Nicolas Sarkozy.

Mr. Chirac has given no indication of the governance of Union for a Popular Movement party nor explicit support for Candidate Sarkozy. This leaves the elections in April an unpredictable race. Other contenders are Segolene Royal from the Socialist Party and Francois Beyrou from the centrists, and Jean-Marie Le Pen from the extreme right.

On May 7th, 2007, Mr. Chirac’s twelve year long role as the President of France will end. His performance was memorable, and definitely remarkable. However, like all theatrical productions, there are critics and super fans. However, most are just eagerly awaiting the next big name to appear on the Elysée Palace marquee.

Chirac: “Long live the republic! Long live France!” Exit stage right.

March 8, 2007

Climate Change, Developing Countries, and the European Union

Leaders of the European Union are meeting this week to discuss collectively setting carbon emissions reduction targets. This is all good and well, especially since carbon emissions directly affect global warming which is blamed for extreme climate shifts and natural disasters the world over. The Europeans are especially optimistic, claiming that they will raise targets if the United States and developing countries join in, especially India and China. While convincing the United States to join any Kyoto-esque treaty will be difficult, even more difficult will be convincing China and India to join in on the deal.

Developing countries can’t afford the type of global philanthropy that developed nations come together and agree upon. In fact, as US, Chinese, and Indian governments have decided, there is actually very little incentive to decide to lower carbon emissions. In the case of China and India, curtailing global warming can be left to developed countries, while they enjoy increased output and productivity. The United States won’t join without China and India, and China and India won’t join because they have no reason.

In addition to a lack of incentive, they also have a strong argument for not lowering their emissions: when the developed world was at their stage of development, they polluted and abused the environment in exactly the same way.

March 7, 2007

Heed the King

Filed under: Geopolitics, Middle EastOmar Abdelsamad @ 2:21 pm

Today’s scene during a joint session of the US Congress was not commonplace, but bore a greater resemblance to an address at the United Nations than one at the US statehouse. Perhaps it is indicative of the United Nations’ faltering influence as a catalyst for change in international relations that King Abdullah II instead approached the US Congress to request greater American influence in the Israel-Palestine peace process. His move recognizes that this process will only move forward with US support, a notion that became painfully obvious when the United States single-handedly stalled the Lebanese peace process during the 2006 Israel-Lebanon war.

President Bush does not hesitate to make his bias known in the current situation–a popular anecdote presents him flying over Israel by helicopter, surprised at how the Middle Eastern state was such a small and defenseless strip of land, personally resolving to protect its best interests. His presidency reflects this predisposition as he has wholly ignored the peace process, going so far as to refuse aid and negotiation with any Palestinian government that involves HAMAS.

Yet President Bush has the unique opportunity to change course at this point in time. The new Palestinian coalition government and an Israel wary from war are yearning for an effective peace process. Only the United States can effectively provide the catalyst for peace. The country would not be alone in this effort, however, because as was seen in the war in Lebanon, France, Italy, and Britain are clamoring to assist in the region. Setting the groundwork for an effective peace would not only have positive regional implications but would also allow President Bush to rescue his tarnished reputation. There might even be a Nobel Peace Prize in it for him.

March 6, 2007

Gadhafi’s Lament

Filed under: GeneralOmar Abdelsamad @ 12:19 pm

Previously significant Libyan leader Muammar Gadhafi rose from obscurity during the past week to condemn the West for not fulfilling its promises of aiding the north African state in return for renouncing its nuclear weapons program. Among his many claims, Gadhafi primarily laments the fact that the West has not helped Libya develop nuclear energy or otherwise aid the nation. This is very important to note because President Gadhafi was a prime example of the dictator rehabilitation program wherein a country gave up nuclear weapons for a set package of peaceful technology and aid. Such a change of heart and belligerence is unprecedented, causing much suspicion.

Yet, whether or not Libya is a model citizen of the world community, nuclear weapons research has ceased, pleasing many of the world’s powers. Making promises and not delivering, however, sets a very dangerous precedent for more hostile countries. What incentive do Iran and North Korea have to dissolve nuclear weapons programs if the promised aid is not delivered? Libya needs to be an example that the rest of the world can defer to. If they do not receive aid, Gadhafi will continue to complain, and other countries will surely take notice.